Images of sexuality and sexual diversity in the Russian press

Images of sexuality and sexual diversity in the Russian press

  Introduction 
According to Anna Rotkirch, an important aspect in which the Russian 'sexual revolution' differed from what happened in most Western European countries is the fact that it was articulated in two phases.[1] In the 1960s and 1970s sexual practices in the Soviet Union began to change, a process not dissimilar to the one that was taking place in other industrialised countries. However, unlike in the West, where public discourse consciously contributed to changes in traditional attitudes towards sexuality, in the Soviet Union public debate - "whether educational, entertaining, pornographic or philosophical" - was almost absent. The official discourse located sexual intimacy within the boundaries of traditional marriage; anything deviating from this was unaccounted for and officially non-existent. This silence affected those whose desires and practices did not conform to the established norm, in particular 'other' sexualities, which the official discourse stigmatised by treating lesbianism as a personality disorder and by making sodomy a crime punishable with incarceration. It was only with glasnost', in the mid-1980s that an open discussion about sex was allowed to emerge in the public sphere, reaching the general public through the popular media. Both the articulation of a public discourse around sexuality and the commodification and commercialisation of sex and erotica are relatively new to Russian society, and are intertwined with the country's transition to a liberal economic and political system. While an open public discourse brought issues around sex and sexuality into the open, at the same time it problematised them.[2] For instance, media discourses tended to reinforce popular notions and stereotypes about 'other sexualities'.  
2 This paper looks at the role of the mainstream press in articulating public discourses on sexualities, focusing specifically on the visibility and representation of sexual diversity. I consider that an understanding of the ways sexual diversity is represented can only be gained by framing it within broader discourses on sexuality, which recent debates have come to regard not as the domain of the given, the natural and the biological, but as an entity shaped by society and culture, as well as by power relations. Historically in Western societies "the power of the heterosexual norm [...] was central to the construction of the sexual 'other'", while "deviance from the norm has been used to police the boundaries of normalcy".[3] This paper explores the topic of borders and boundaries while looking at public discourses on sexuality in the Russian press. By deconstructing these discourses, I will explore the ways in which 'boundaries of normalcy' are constructed in media representations of sex and sexuality.  
My analysis is based on a press review of two liberal mainstream weekly publications, Argumenty i fakty (further: AiF) and Ogonek, conducted over a five months period (October 2003-February 2004). My selection originally also included the youth lifestyle magazine Ptiuch; however, owing both to space constraints and to the fact that its style, format and contents are very different from those of AiF and Ogonek, my discussion here will be limited to the latter. It should be pointed out, however, that the discourse on sexuality emerging from Ptiuch is very different and significantly more inclusive than either AiF or Ogonek's: although sexual diversity is made to stand out as controversial, 'cutting edge' and provocative, Ptiuch shows a new sensibility and acceptance towards it.[4]  
  "A sign of the times: sexual perversions". Sexual behaviour, social concerns and sensationalism in AiF  
With over 10.3 million subscribers,[5] AiF is one of the most widely circulated national weeklies in Russia. Very accessible because of its plain and unsophisticated style, it targets the 'average' Russian reader, reaching an audience of middle aged to older people. Having established itself during perestroika as one of the leading independent liberal periodicals, over the last decade AiF has become rather more like a tabloid, devoting much space to celebrity stories and scandals. Political, social and cultural issues are also featured; however AiF is more concerned with informing and entertaining the average reader than in providing an accurate and in-depth analysis.  
When addressing sexuality, AiF mostly focuses on its social aspects; sexual behaviour is not presented as an individual choice, but as a factor that is going to have an impact on local communities and society at large. Sex features in connection with issues such as prostitution,[6] deviant individuals and sex offenders,[7] artificial insemination,[8] sexual health (particularly male),[9] children's sexual education,[10] the lowering birth rate and the national demographic crisis.[11] An example of the ways in which sex is portrayed as a social issue is a debate open to the readers on the topic of whether it is "necessary to sterilise alcoholics, so that they won't give birth to freaks".[12] This concern with the social aspects of sex and sexuality can perhaps be seen as a legacy of the Soviet period, in which all family and reproductive matters were analysed in the press in the light of the 'common good'.
Since concerns around sexual and reproductive behaviour are often linked to a more general fear of degeneration in the social fabric, a certain anxiety about sex and sexuality often emerges from the pages of AiF. This is the case, for example, in articles discussing phenomena such as striptease (both male and female),[13] prostitution[14] and arranged marriages with well-to-do men.[15] Concerns are expressed about the commodification of bodies and their economic exploitation for survival in the context of the current situation of social and economical instability. AiF also voices anxieties about the extreme explicitness with which sex is dealt with in the media, particularly on TV and in show business.[16]  
This obsession with sex is portrayed as a pervasive feature of contemporary Russian society, and is seen as evidence of a new 'sexual culture' among the younger generation, which is regarded with suspicion. For example, an article ironically contrasts the lyrical love scenes of Russian classical novels to extracts from the matter-of-fact and sexually explicit contemporary fiction written by "the new Turgenevs". The content of the article is summarised on the front page as "Love poetry. Sexual perversions are a sign of the times", and is paired with a sadomasochistic image of a woman whipping a man.[17] In other articles, young people are portrayed as more knowing, promiscuous and casual in their sexual experiences; however, they are also shown as less capable of engaging in long-term and emotionally fulfilling relationships. The sexual freedom of the younger generations is contrasted to the more genuine values of the past and taken as a sign of the declining moral standards of Russian society.[18]  

If the emergence of a new sexual morality is a cause for concern, nonconventional sexualities are represented as part of the new "sexual perversions", and, particularly with reference to show business, as a fashionable trend.[19] Like other forms of 'nonconventional' relationships, same-sex unions are juxtaposed to the traditional family:

Having families is what makes us different from animals. Nowadays many people say that family is not a good thing, that there is no need to have children, that people should have free relationships... This is nonsense! For example, the group Tatu. Maybe they are good girls. But when they say that homosexual sex [odnopolyi seks] is cool, fashionable and 'progressive'... I don't understand it. If you have a nontraditional sexual orientation it is your private business.[20] And there is no need to advertise it, least of all to say that those relationships are better than the love between a man and a woman![21]   

The fact that heterosexual relationships are implicitly established as the norm is indicated by the fact that they are extensively discussed in the regular feature On i ona [Him and her], as well as in other columns and in various articles, particularly in interviews with celebrities.[22] On the other hand, when discussing the religious wedding of a gay couple in Nizhnyi Novgorod, allegedly celebrated by a corrupted priest, same-sex marriage is portrayed as going against public morality. In a short article entitled "Who were they trying to fool?", the event is dismissed, quoting a representative of the high clergy:

[...] there should be no talk about God blessing couples of nontraditional sexual orientation. You can try and fool people, the priest and even the high clergy, but you can't fool God.[23]  

10  It should be noted, however, that, while AiF portrays sex as a social issue, sex is also often covered in noisy and sensationalistic tones. For example, a series of articles dedicated to historical characters such as Casanova, Ivan the Terrible and Rasputin deliberately focus on their scandalous and sexually promiscuous intimate lives.[24] Moreover, articles are often gratuitously paired with suggestive or sexually explicit pictures portraying scantily dressed subjects (usually women). This apparent ambiguity is consistent with AiF's tabloid format, in which sexuality is considered newsworthy when it is extraordinary or deviant and, while arousing the readers' curiosity, can also prompt moralistic tirades.  
11 Issues around sexual diversity are mostly covered in this tone. While references to sexual diversity are quite frequent in AiF, it is interesting to note that the topic is mostly associated with male homosexuality. Sporadic reference is made to lesbianism, mostly in connection to the pseudo-pop lesbian pop group Tatu,[25] and there is almost no mention of bisexual, transsexual or transgender people. Particularly in the case of male homosexuality, the association between sexual diversity and perversion or psychological instability is persistently suggested.  
12 This link is suggested by discussing or hinting at the homosexuality of figures such as the 'dissipate' tsar Ivan the Terrible, the 'suicidal' pop star Vasilii Leont'ev and the 'psychologically distressed' Chaikovskii.[26] Elsewhere, male homosexuality is also associated with effeminacy and with an inadequate or deficient masculinity. This is the case with the actor Rupert Everett, who is portrayed as "women's best friend, who can only befriend [umeet tol'ko druzhit] the fair sex, regretfully for the latter".[27] Moreover, in an article on male striptease, which is presented as an activity degrading for a man, one of the strippers is described as "a skinny boy, the appropriateness [pravil'nost'] of whose sexual orientation raised great doubts".[28] Although the connection is not explicitly spelled out, this fits in with the image of striptease as an 'unmanly' and exhibitionistic display of the male body. 
  '...When people of the opposite sex meet, get married, multiply and live all their lives together': marriage, relationships and sexual diversity in Ogonek  
13  Ogonek is a weekly magazine aimed at the liberal intelligentsia; it reaches a smaller audience than AiF, mostly consisting of educated professionals. Having lost its original orientation towards the younger generations, it now targets a middle aged to older readership. The magazine features commentaries and analysis of political, social and cultural issues, although it has preserved its special focus on culture and art.  
14  Sexuality and sex are not very prominent in Ogonek, a feature that is consistent with the magazine's intellectual and 'serious' tone. Noisy sensationalism and frivolous topics are avoided, a fact for which two readers express appreciation, taking it as a sign of the magazine's high standards.[29]  
15  Since references to sexual behaviour are more sporadic, and often indirect, Ogonek's discourse on sexuality has to be inferred from the broader context. A particularly noticeable feature is the prominence given to marriage,[30] stable heterosexual relationships,[31] and to family life.[32] They are among the social issues more often focussed upon, and also feature consistently as the thematic topic [tema nomera] of single issues.[33] The prominence of marriage and family-related issues is also indicated by the number of letters from the readers on these topics.[34]
16 

The centrality of marriage and family in Ogonek's discourse establishes them as the norm, and sexual intimacy is implicitly framed within it. Indeed, sexuality is never explicitly focused upon unless it is located outside the boundaries of this pattern of union, as in the case of polygamy,[35] marital infidelity,[36] 'alternative' patterns of relationships and family.[37] The normativity of the traditional family model is highlighted in an interview with the family sociologist Tat'iana Gurko, where the journalist enquires:

- - Tat'iana Aleksandrovna, tell me honestly, what is happening in our country to love and family?
- - To what kind of love and what kind of family?
- - To the ordinary one. When people of the opposite sex meet, get married, multiply and live all their lives together.[38]

Moreover, marriage and family are directly associated with 'genuine' values, true commitment, emotional fulfilment and the 'natural' path laid out by nature.[39] For example, the recent increase in the number of marriages among the younger generations is accounted for this way:

Excuse me, and what happened to the popular 'free love' [...]? Yet in the past ten years we got used to the idea that marriage is a worn-out thing [vetosh], ridiculous, archaic. [...] And here we are! No civil partnerships, no civil unions, no boyfriends and girlfriends, but fully legal husbands and wives, marriages[...]. In short, however incredible this might sound, 'generation Pepsi' is beginning to acknowledge genuine values: love, family, home.[40]  

17  Although references to sexual diversity are rather sporadic in Ogonek, it is interesting to note that the issue is often touched upon in articles discussing marriage and relationships.[41] This is significant because of Ogonek's focus on marriage and family, but also in the light of its attentive look at trends and social issues developing in Western societies.[42] Far from advocating partnership rights for gay couples, however, the issue of same-sex union is dismissed as unworthy of attention, or explicitly (and unfavourably) contrasted to heterosexual marriage.  
18  Gay marriage is specifically dealt with in two articles, although it is not their central theme. The first article mentions the religious wedding of a gay couple in Nizhnyi Novgorod, an event that had a rather wide resonance in the Russian press in autumn 2003. The author, however, focuses on the fate of a Russian priest who allegedly married the couple for money; the way the Orthodox Church dealt with the scandal is flagged up as the 'real' issue, while the topic of same-sex union is only mentioned in passing.[43]
19 

The second article deals with the trends and transformations in the American family, and is written by a Russian journalist and sociologist who has lived for eleven years in the US. The author tries to disprove the common opinion that the traditional family is in crisis by refuting the supposed signs of its decline, such as the increase in divorces and single-parent families and the declining birth rate. The issue of same-sex unions is portrayed in these terms:

And, finally, gay people. [...] In America this phenomenon exercises, in my opinion, too much influence on young people. However this happens, I think, not as a natural process, but with the help of purposeful and powerful propaganda by homosexuals themselves. This very propaganda has convinced society that sexual minorities represent more than 10% of the population. Until in 1993 sociologists from Chicago University [...] established a more realistic figure: 1.5-2%. [...] The main thing, for which gay and lesbians are fighting for is the possibility to officially register same-sex marriages. What for? Well, no one bothers them. In America such organisations do not surprise or outrage anyone, and even slight irony on the topic is considered politically incorrect. No, they need a legal recognition.[44]

While focusing on the 'aggressive propaganda' of sexual minorities, not only is same-sex marriage overlooked, but no acknowledgement is given to same-sex relationships. Moreover, both in this article and elsewhere, sexual diversity is represented as alien and 'other' by locating it elsewhere, in 'the West'. An article on the reality show for aspiring models Ty- supermodel', inspired by an American series, points out that:

During the making of the American edition, one of the participants, a black girl, took her girlfriend back to her room, a fact that caused discontent among the other models. Here, as the organisers confirm, this is hardly likely to happen, considering Russian mentality. Among our participants there is no such freedom of customs.[45]

20  It is interesting to compare Ogonek's coverage of the issue of gay marriage, as portrayed in the period during which my press review has been conducted, with the reports on the proposal to reintroduce the criminalisation of male homosexuality in Spring 2002. Ogonek dismissed the draft legislation as nonsense and as a publicity stunt from deputy fraction Narodnyi Deputat, from which the proposal originated, as most of the liberal press did, including AiF.[46] However, unlike AiF, Ogonek did not only focus on Narodnyi Deputat's politically astute motivations, but also stood up for those affected by the proposal, although not unambiguously. In an article significantly called "Vse kak u liudei" [People are people], the journalist, in her description of a party for gay men and lesbians, tries to be inclusive and to portray 'alternative' sexualities as acceptable, if not 'normal'. However, sexual diversity is still represented as a 'strange' and promiscuous kind of love, a fact also suggested by the picture matched with the article, portraying a man wearing a condom on his head.[47]  
21 Elsewhere sexual diversity is portrayed as something quite extraordinary and 'exotic'. When discussed in relation to show business, it is associated with a calculated attempt to shock and be controversial, although this is usually not portrayed in negative terms. This is the case with the pseudo-lesbian pop group Tatu,[48] or the kiss between Madonna and Britney Spears.[49] In a couple of instances, the nonconventional sexual orientation of public figures is presented as a further sign of their 'uniqueness'.[50] Like in AiF, male homosexuality is contrasted to 'proper' ideas of masculinity in an article on male striptease. While interviewing a young man working as a stripper in a women's club, noting his 'unnatural' and 'unmanly' desire to undress and exhibit his body, the journalist asks him: "I'll ask you a banal question, is it true that many strippers are gay?".[51]  
  Conclusions 
22  By reasserting traditional ideas about sexuality and relationships, the discourses articulated in AiF and Ogonek set strict 'boundaries of normalcy' about sexual practices and behaviour. While Ogonek's discourse revolves around the centrality of marriage and family, in AiF sexuality is alternatively both sensationalised and seen as an issue raising moral and social concerns. However, both publications share the assumption that they are addressing a heterosexual audience. The fact that issues concerning sexual diversity get little coverage is a reflection of this assumption, and 'other' sexualities are further marginalised by juxtaposing them to the heterosexual norm. Sexual diversity is often talked about in condescending and ironic tones, and by detaching themselves from 'queer' subjects, AiF and Ogonek are certainly unwilling to portray them as 'one of us', a portrayal that has consistently featured in the past few years at least in some sections of the liberal Western press.[52] Particularly in AiF, nonconventional sexualities often feature in the realm of the 'strange', the shocking and outrageous. The issue of gay rights, and gay marriage in particular, widely debated in the Western press in the same period covered by the press review (October 2003-February 2004),[53] finds little resonance in AiF and Ogonek, and the unsympathetic coverage of the Nizhnyi Novgorod wedding does not trigger a debate on the topic of same-sex unions.  
23  Neither AiF nor Ogonek are supportive of a return to a repressive control of 'other' sexualities, as their coverage of Narodnyi Deputat's proposal indicates. However, sexual diversity is firmly put beyond the boundaries of the conventional, and their discourses tend to reinforce common stereotypes associated with it.  

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[1] Rotkirch, A. 'What kind of sex can you talk about? Acquiring sexual knowledge in three Soviet generations', in On living through Soviet Russia. Eds. Bertaux, D., Thompson, P. and Rotkirch, A. London: Routledge, 2004, pp.93-119.

[2] Rotkirch 109-115; Kon, I. and Riordan, J. (eds.) Sex and Russian society. London: Pluto Press, 1993 (35-42, 93-99).

[3] Jackson, S. 'Heterosexuality, heteronormativity and gender hierarchies', in Sexualities and society. J. Weeks, J. Holland and M. Waites eds. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003, pp. 69-83 (p. 77). For the wider debate on the social and cultural construction of sexuality see for example Foucault, M. The history of sexuality. Vol. 1: The will to knowledge (London: Penguin, 1998), Caplan, P. 'Introduction', (in The cultural construction of sexuality. Caplan, P. ed. London: Routledge, 1993) and Weeks, J. Sexuality and its discontents (London: Routledge, 1985).

[4] This sensibility seems to be shared by other youth publications, see Omel'chenko, E. 'New dimensions of the sexual universe: sexual discourses in Russian youth magazines', in C. Corrin (ed.), Gender and identity in Central and Eastern Europe. London: Frank Cass, 1999. Although both publications Omel'chenko refers to, OM and Ptiuch, have been discontinued, the article seems to indicate that a more open attitude to sexual diversity has become a feature of 'alternative' youth magazines.

[5] As stated on the front page of AiF N. 50 (1207), December 2003.

[6] 'Morskoi priton', AiF N. 41 (1198), October 2003, p. 10; Kostenko-Popova, O. 'Kul'tpokhod po odesskim bordeliam', AiF N. 47 (1204), November 2003, p. 30; 'Fotoakt', AiF N. 48 (1205), November 2003, p. 7; Karacheva, E. 'Krasavitsy- rabiny', AiF N. 1 (1210), January 2004, p. 11.

[7] 'Odnim man'iakom men'shche', AiF N. 40 (1197), October 2003, p. 5; 'Khvatit plodit' urodov!', N. 43 (1200), October 2003, p. 21; 'Rossiiu spasut... devstvennitsy?', AiF N. 45(1202), November 2003, p. 17.

[8] 'Deti iz probirki. $ 1500 shtuka', AiF N. 45, (1202), November 2003, p. 20; Kostenko-Popova, Mama naprokat, AiF N. 8 (1217), February 2004, p. 15.

[9] 'Zhena prodolzhaet zhizn'', AiF N. 5 (1214), February 2004, p. 32; 'Vsem grozit besplodie?', AiF N. 2(1211), January 2004, p. 5; 'Pivo protiv potentsii', AiF N. 45 (1202), November 2003,p. 20; 'Devstvennost': pol'za ili vred?', AiF N. 46(1203), November 2003, p. 29. With regard to this, it is interesting to note that AiF also features a huge number of adverts (on average one per issue or more, for different brands) for treatment against male impotence, weak erection etc.

[10] Kostenko-Popova O., 'Kak poiavliaiutsia deti', AiF N. 50(1207), December 2003, p.30.

[11] 'Deti nashego dvora', AiF N. 40 (1197), October 2003, p. 19; Korel'skaia E., 'Zvezdy- zhertvy demograficheskogo vzryva', AiF N. 44(1201), October 2003, p. 24; Shablinskaia O., 'Leonid Roshal': 'Ili udvoim rozhdaemost', ili vyrodimsia!'', AiF N. 47(1204), November 2003, p. 3; 'Muzh na 13 let molozhe', AiF N. 48(1205), November 2003, p. 7; '300 let umirania', AiF N. 52(1209), December 2003, p. 5; 'Amerikantsy zhdut, kogda my vymrem', AiF N. 7(1216), February 2004, p. 13.

[12] 'Khvatit plodit' urodov!', N. 43 (1200), October 2003, p. 21.

[13] 'Dvadtsat' dve golye grudi', AiF N. 41(1198), October 2003, p. 12; Il'ina Iu., 'Parni u shesta', AiF N. 46(1203), November 2003, p. 29; Filimonova S., 'Snegurochka-striptizersha', AiF N. 52(1209), December 2003, p. 31.

[14] 'Morskoi priton', AiF N. 41 (1198), October 2003, p. 10; Kostenko-Popova, O. 'Kul'tpokhod po odesskim bordeliam', AiF N. 47 (1204), November 2003, p. 30; Karacheva, E. 'Krasavitsy- rabiny', AiF N. 1 (1210), January 2004, p. 11.

[15] Oberenko V., 'Vyiti zamuzh za milionera', AiF N. 44(1201), October 2003, p. 35; 'Neliubimaia liubovnitsa i moshennik', AiF N. 46(1203), November 2003, p. 30; Oberenko V., 'Liubimaia zhenshchina oligarkha', AiF N.8(1217), February 2004, p. 28.

[16] Rakhlin S., 'Sofia Loren- zhenshchina s motorom', AiF N. 52(1209), December 2003, p. 11; Sigareva Iu., 'Franko Dzeffirelli: "Ne stoit otpravit' 'temnye komnaty'", AiF N. 1(1210), January 2004, p. 10; Rakhlin S., 'Erotika bez styda', AiF N. 50(1207), December 2003, p. 24; Shigareva Iu., 'Ingeborga Dapkunaite: 'V metro menia pal'tsem ne bodaiut'', AiF N. 8(1217), February 2004, p. 19.

[17] Kostenko-Popova, O., 'Reaktor v prostate', AiF N. 6(1215), February 2004, p. 26.

[18] Markov D., Eremin P. and Buravchikova D. 'Pokolenie provornykh i sotovykh', AiF N. 44(1201), October 2003, p. 35; Kostenko-Popova O., 'Kak poiavliaiutsia deti', AiF N. 50(1207), December 2003, p.30; Aptekareva D., 'Znakomstva: s kem, kogda i gde?', AiF N. 7(1216), February 2003, p. 30.

[19] Grachev S., 'Vasilii Leon'tev: izmotannyi i odinokii', AiF N. 51(1208), December 2003, p. 23; Polupanov V., 'Alla Pugacheva: 'Ia devushka, zakalennaia v boiakh'', AiF N. 46(1203), November 2003, p. 3; Shablinskaia O., 'Nina Ananiashvili: 'Ia uzhe 2 goda- pensionerka!'', AiF N. 5 (1214), February 2004, p. 24.

[20] The expression 'nontraditional orientation' is of common use in Russia to refer to homosexuality or lesbianism. While it is meant to be a neutral expression, it conveys the idea that sexual diversity is somehow a new phenomenon in Russian society.

[21] Shablinskaia O., 'Nina Ananiashvili: 'Ia uzhe 2 goda- pensionerka!'', AiF N. 5 (1214), February 2004, p. 24.

[22] See for example Oberemko V., 'Svetlana Khorkina: 'Iz sportsmena khoroshego muzha ne poluchitsia'', AiF N. 44, October 2003, p. 25; Rakhlin S., 'Sofia Loren- zhenshchina s motorom', AiF N. 52(1209), December 2003, p. 11; Rakhlin S., 'Sheron Stoun. Vozvrashchenie s togo sveta', AiF N. 47(1204), p. 26.

[23] 'Kogo oni pytalis' obmanut'', AiF N. 42(1198), October 2003, p. 5. Emphasis in the original.

[24] Radzinskii, E. 'Liubovnye sumasbrodstva Dzhakomo Kazanovy', AiF N. 40(1197), October 2003, p. 22, AiF N. 41(1198), October 2003, p. 22, AiF N. 42(1198), October 2003, p. 15; Radzinskii, E. 'Edvard Radzinskii: 'Rasputin soedinil seks s molitvoi', AiF N. 44(1200), November 2003, pp. 28-29; Shablinskaia O., 'Edvard Radzinskii: Ivan Groznyi. Dushegub, rastlitel'... sviatoi?', AiF N. 49(1206), December 2003, p. 18; Shablinskaia O., 'Edvard Radzinskii: Ivan Groznyi rastlil tysiachu dev', AiF N. 50(1207), December 2003, p. 12. For other sensationalistic representations of 'extraordinary' sexuality see also 'Dvadtsat' dve golye grudi', AiF N. 41(1198), October 2003, p. 12; 'Budet materi muzhikom', AiF N. 41(1198), October 2003, p.19; Buldakov V., 'V posteli s agenstvom KGB', AiF N. 42 (1198), October 2003, p. 10; 'Golos strasti', AiF N. 44(1200), October 2003, p. 7; Kozhemiakin V., 'Zachatie v dol'menakh', AiF N. 46(1203), November 2003, p.26.

[25] Toropova A., 'V Monako oboshlis' bez 'Tatu'', AiF N. 42(1199), October 2003, p. 25; Polupanov V., 'Alla Pugacheva: 'Ia devushka, zakalennaia v boiakh'', AiF N. 46(1203), November 2003, p. 3; Kostenko-Popova O., 'Proval goda', AiF N. 52(1209), December 2003, p. 23; Panov, V. ''Tatu' pereezzhaiut v 'Pekin'', AiF N. 2(1211), January 2004, p. 23; Shlykov I., ''Supermodeli' protiv 'Tatu'', AiF N. 7(1216), February 2004, p. 31.

[26] Grachev S., 'Vasilii Leon'tev: izmotannyi i odinokii', AiF N. 51(1208), December 2003, p. 23; Osipov S., 'Byl li Chaikovskii gomoseksualistom?', AiF N. 49(1206), December 2003, p. 25.

[27] Toropova A., 'V Monako oboshlis' bez 'Tatu'', AiF N. 42(1199), October 2003, p. 25. See also Grachev S., 'Vitas. 'Evoliutsiia Ikhtiandra'. (O chem krichit i molchit Vitas?)', N. 8 p. 21, for a similar portrayal of the singer Vitas.

[28] Il'ina Iu., 'Parni u shesta', AiF N. 46(1203), November 2003, p. 29.

[29] 'Ustoichivost' k peremenam', Ogonek N. 48, 22-28 December 2003, p. 7; 'Chtoby men'she bylo zagadok', Ogonek N. 41, 10-16 November 2003, p. 10.

[30] Radulova N., 'Pokolenie 'pepsi' zhenitsia', Ogonek N. 40, 3-9 November 2003, pp. 12-15; Bykov D., 'Gimenei', Ogonek N. 40, 3-9 November 2003, pp. 15-19; Larina Iu., 'Ego chetvertaia polovina', Ogonek N. 43, 24-30 November 2003, pp. 36-37; Baksina A., 'Derzhis', malysh, ia liubliu tebia!', Ogonek N. 2, 12-18 January 2004, pp. 40-42; Bazarov A., 'Kak ia zakliuchal brachyi kontrakt', Ogonek N. 4, 26 January-1 February 2004, pp. 14-15; Shenkman Ia., 'Razvod po raschetu', Ogonek N. 4, 26 January-1 February 2004, pp. 16-17.

[31] Radulova N. 'Liubov' po-russki', Ogonek N. 6, 9-15 February 2004, pp. 20-23; Ivanskii A., 'Ekaterina Andreeva: 'Brak- eto ezhednevnyi podvig''Ogonek N. 6, 9-15 February 2004, pp. 24-25; Nikonova A., 'Liubov' v epokhu postmodernizma', Ogonek N. 6, 9-15 February 2004, pp. 26; 'Russkie gorki', Ogonek N. 6, 9-15 February 2004, pp. 26-27.

[32] Radulova N., 'Razvedennyi otets', Ogonek N. 47, 22-28 December 2003, pp. 40-41.

[33] Issue N. 40/November 2003 is dedicated to marriage, issue N. 4/January 2004 to marriage contracts, and issue N. 6/February 2004 to love and relationships.

[34] 'Snimaiu shliapu', Ogonek N. 43, 24-30 November 2003, p. 11; 'Menia ne nuzhno zhalet', Ogonek N. 8, 23-29 February 2004, p. 10; 'Guliala svad'ba v samyi Novyi God', Ogonek N. 47, 22-28 December 2003, p. 11; 'Deti delaiut muzhchinu molozhe', Ogonek N. 46, 15-21 December 2003, p. 11.

[35] Larina Iu., 'Ego chetvertaia polovina', Ogonek N. 43, 24-30 November 2003, pp. 36-37.

[36] 'Vorposy nedeli', Ogonek N. 44, 1-7 December 2003, p. 10; Radulova N., 'Muzhskaia izmena ot A do IA', Ogonek N. 8, 23-29 February 2004, pp. 38-39.

[37] Baksina A., 'Derzhis', malysh, ia liubliu tebia!', Ogonek N. 2, 12-18 January 2004, pp. 40-42.

[38] Nikonova A., 'Liubov' v epokhu postmodernizma', Ogonek N. 6, 9-15 February 2004, pp. 26.

[39] For example, the Valentine's day edition featured a report on love and relationships titled 'Russian Love' [Liubov' po-russki], which was also the thematic topic of the issue. The importance and centrality of marriage as the ultimate fulfilment of a relationship emerged from several articles 'Brak- eto ezhednevnyi podvig''Ogonek N. 6, 9-15 February 2004, pp. 24-25; Nikonova A., 'Liubov' v epokhu postmodernizma', Ogonek N. 6, 9-15 February 2004, pp. 26.

[40] Pokolenie pepsi zhenitsia, N. 40, pp. 13-14. Similar themes about the importance of the traditional family echo in the letters from the readers.See for example 'Pochti sviatochnaia istoriia', Ogonek N. 1, 5-11 January 2004, p. 11; 'Fanatizm nikogo ne krasit', Ogonek N. 2, 11-18 January 2004, p. 10; 'Da zheny bez tsaria v golove', Ogonek N. 3, 19-25 January 2004, p. 10; 'Otsy i deti. 'Voskresnyi papa'', Ogonek N. 5, 2-8 February 2004, p. 10.

[41] Of the 14 references found about sexual diversity, 5 discuss it in relation to marriage. See Radulova N., 'Pokolenie 'pepsi' zhenitsia', Ogonek N. 40, 3-9 November 2003, pp. 12-15; 'Voprosy nedeli', Ogonek N. 45, 8-14 December 2003, p. 10; 'Nu togda liubovnits ob"iaviat zhenami', Ogonek N. 1, 5-11 January 2004, p. 11; Baksina A., 'Derzhis', malysh, ia liubliu tebia!', Ogonek N. 2, 12-18 January 2004, pp. 40-42; 'Nasha chernaia zvezda', Ogonek N. 3, 19-25 January 2004, p. 63.

[42] The magazine devotes considerable attention to social trends and phenomena developing in Western Europe and North America, often comparing them to Russian society.

[43] 'Nasha chernaia zvezda', Ogonek N. 3, 19-25 January 2004, p. 63.

[44] Baksina A., 'Derzhis', malysh, ia liubliu tebia!', Ogonek N. 2, 12-18 January 2004, pp. 40-42. The pictures used in the article and their order also suggest that the only 'real' marriage is heterosexual.

[45] '250,000 za krasotu', Ogonek N. 5, 2-8 Feb 2004, p. 50. See also 'Voprosy nedeli', Ogonek N. 45, 8-14 December 2003, p. 10.

[46] Nikonov A., 'Duma ne dolzhna stoiat' v poze strausa', Ogonek N. 19-20, May 2002, p. 14-15. 'Gomoseksualisty- zhertvy bor'by s KPRF', AiF N. 18-19 (1223-1224), May 2002.

[47] Riurikova S., 'Vse kak u liudei', Ogonek N. 21, May 2002, pp.34-35.

[48] Feklistov Iu., 'Tatumania v Tokio', Ogonek N. 46, 15-21 December 2003, pp. 54-55; 'Nastroenie goda/Fevral', Ogonek N. 48, 29 December-4 January 2004, pp. 16-17. Interestingly, Tatu's success abroad is much celebrated in Ogonek, and the 'scandalous' reputation of the group, largely based on their sexual ambiguity, is glamourised, although not portrayed in negative terms.

[49] 'Nastroenie goda/Avgust', Ogonek N. 48, 29 December-4 January 2004, pp. 40-43.

[50] 'Osoznannaia neobkhodimost'', Ogonek N. 42, 17-23 November 2003, p. 65; Sinel'nikov M., 'Brillianty Paradzhanova', Ogonek N. 2, 12-18 January 2004, pp. 60-63. In the article commemorating the film director Paradzhanov, it is further suggested that homosexuality is part of the director's tragic destiny.

[51] Radulova N., 'Raznye tantsy', Ogonek N. 33, 8-4 September 2003, p. 19-20.

[52] For a discussion of the 'mainstreaming' of sexual diversity in the British and American media see McNair, B. Striptease culture. Sex, media and the democratisation of desire. London: Routledge, 2002. (129-148).

[53] In Britain with reference to the repeal of the discriminatory section 28 (November 2003) and the prospects of introducing partnership rights for same-sex couples; in the US with reference to the election of the first gay bishop (December 2003) and controversies over gay marriage. In Italy, although no changes regarding the legal status of same-sex couples are on the agenda, coverage focused on foreign debates on gay rights, mostly with reference to the Vatican's position.

eSharp issue: autumn 2004. © Francesca Stella 2004. All rights reserved. ISSN 1742-4542.