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The UN were again prevented from entering one of the refugee camps in West Timor. Armed militia prevented them from entering a camp near Kupang on Friday. The three camps near Kupang are regarded as the worst in West Timor, the death rate has dropped since the World Health Organisation was allowed in a few weeks ago with mobile clinics but still runs at 2 a day. The UNHCR had earlier reported that they believed problems in West Timor were receding. They had managed to repatriate people from camps on Wednesday though some people were prevented from getting on to the trucks. A meeting between Xanana Gusmao, General Cosgrove and Major-General Syahnakrito the regional commander has promised to improve things and the Major-General has said that it would be best to repatriate the East Timorese, a follow-up meeting to assess progress is scheduled for Sunday. Despite this, local authorities and aid agencies are gearing up to deal with the refugees as a long-term problem, Korea has donated a number of generators but with the express condition that they would only be used to help those who wished to staty in West Timor and become Indonesian citizens and nine tent schools were opened in various camps. In East Timor, clinics reported that they were being stretched to the limit in trying to deal with the many medical problems of the returning refugees.
In Los Palos, where there has been rising tension between returning refugees and those who stayed behind, Interfet have had to intervene in a number of situations. Rev Fraile, a local priest, reported that local militia who stayed have been claiming that when other militia return so will the violence.
The UN human rights investigating team, who have said that the killings following the election were "systematic", have been told by the Indonesian government that extradition of senior military figures is not an option. The team completed their investigations this week and will report soon to the Security Council. General Wiranto has severely criticised the Indonesian human rights investigation which is seeking to interview senior military officials arguing that claims of military involvement were groundless. Three senior Indonsian Generals including Wiranto and Zacky Anwar have taken legal advice, Anwar has already pre-prepared a statement for the commission. General Wiranto was this week given the Philippine Legion of Honour.
The last 18 political prisoners held in Indonesian jails were released and returned to East Timor this week as part of a larger programme which saw the release of all political prisoners. It was also reported that Indonesia and Portugal are hoping to quickly restore diplomatic ties.
Moves to set up new structures in East Timor continue, pro-autonomy leader Salvador Soares has joined the National Consultancy Council, which is the body which will make major decisions during the transition period. Twenty East Timorese lawyers have began training in Darwin, they will become the core of the new justice system, 300 East Timorese have been trained to be part of the new security service, including 50 former Falintil guerillas and the Portuguese Post Office is to set up a mail service. The head of Interfet, General Cosgrove has said that they have achieved all their goals and East Timor is now safe and secure. There are still outstanding problems, old Portuguese land titles are being consulted to help sort out many rival land claims and an Australian hotel was closed down after it was found it had been set up on disputed land.
On the anniversary of the invasion this week, a street named in honour of Suharto's wife was renamed Ruo des Matires de Patria.
Street of the country's martyrs. The Gurkhas began their withdrawal, there will be no British presence in the transitional authority apart from a few military liaison officers.
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Nobel prize winner Jose Ramos Horta returned to East Timor for the first time in 24 years this week. He returned to controversy as UDT claimed they were being excluded from CNRT decision-making processes. Ramos Horta pointed out that CNRT was only a temporary umbrella organisation and at the next election the people would have a chance to decide their own leaders.
Xanana Gusmao visited Jakarta for talks with the new President who announced that he would be releasing all remaining East Timorese political prisoners.
Conditions in camps in West Timor are deteriorating. 35 people have died in the last 10 days in one camp near Kupang alone and it is still proving difficult for aid agencies to gain entry to many camps. Despite the conditions, refugees returning to East Timor has dropped dramatically, reasons given include increasing intimidation by militia who are also informing people that East Timor is still unsafe and the physical difficulties of returning during the rainy season. Local West Timorese officials say that they have run out of aid money and will stop supporting the camps from 4 December. They encouraged the East Timorese to return home.
The UN special rapporteurs who are investigating human rights abuses and have talked to 160 witnesses in nine days in East Timor have been given visas to enter Indonesia but it is not clear whether they will be able to visit West Timor. The Indonesian human rights investigation has been told that they can interview a number of military officials who they believe may be involved.
Head of Interfet, General Cosgrove has said that he believes that Falintil will not disarm but could become a police force for the new East Timor.
There were conflicting reports about an incident at a clinic in Los Palos where Interfet had to restore order when either; 70 workers protested because they weren't being paid in cash or some youths protested because they were denied jobs because they were under qualified.
Portugal committed $225 million to Easter and the Foreign Minister Jaime Game became the first Poruguese official to visit East Timor since 1974. The EU has committed 35 million euros.
The Portuguese international bank has opened in East Timor. Their first task was to pay pensions to people who had been involved in the former colonial administration. Unfortunately they paid the pensions in Escudos which means East Timor now has four currencies, Escudos, US and Australian Dollars and Indonesian rupiahs and no capacity to exchange money. Goods can be bought in any of the three other currencies but not in Escudos which no shop owner will touch.
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Habibie's change of policy  
Militias in East Timor  
The UN in East Timor
The International response
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Habibie's Change of Policy
There were no great expectations for President Habibie's government. Although he declared a commitment to human rights and reform, it was clear from the outset that it would be a transitional government until a full general election could be held. (June 1999) It was also clear that many of the old faces were still around. Most of the cabinet were linked to the old regime. The new government did, though, display greater tolerance to political dissent. In East Timor, there were regular demonstrations and public meetings were held where people openly discussed the future. The tri-partite talks at the UN with Portugal on the future of East Timor continued.
In September/October 1999, the short-lived peace in East Timor ended and human rights violations began again. FALINTIL responded by attacking a military base and there were harsh reprisals. As President Habibie had committed his government to protect human rights, he was under increasing international pressure to do something about the East Timor problem. He did. In January 1999, he announced that he would agree to a consultation of the East Timorese people and, if they rejected the autonomy package that Indonesia had presented to the UN, would allow them to separate from Indonesia.
There were still obstacles in the way of an agreement. Indonesia would not agree to a referendum but to a ballot which would need to be ratified by the People's Consultative Assembly. Although the agreement makes it clear that this should be a formality. They also insisted that they would remain solely responsible for security and refused to even contemplate a UN peace-keeping force. Despite the haggling over the details, on May 5th an agreement was signed at the UN between Indonesia and Portugal that laid out the conditions for the ballot. For the first time since the invasion it seemed that the problems of East Timor could finally be solved. Xanana Gusmao was moved from prison into house arrest so that he could be more involved in the process. Yet despite the optimism, the rise of pro-integrationist militias sworn to keep East Timor part of Indonesia has overshadowed the whole process.
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Militias in East Timor
The militias first appeared towards the end of 1998. They are armed groups of pro-integrationists and it is widely accepted that they have the support of the Indonesian military. There are many in the military who actively oppose Habibie's policy change and who wish East Timor to remain part of Indonesia whatever the cost. Since January 1999, there have been numerous reports of serious human rights violations, including an attack on refugees in a church in Liquica. An estimated 40- 60 thousand East Timorese have become refugees. The militias are in control of some sections of the country and openly threaten anyone who is thought to be pro-independence. The situation has been made worse by the lack of medical resources. Most of the doctors were Indonesian and since Suharto's resignation the majority of Indonesian civillians have left.
Most worringly the local government, led by Governor Abilio Soares has attempted to legitimise the militias by integrating them into the local police force. FALINTIL has so far not retaliated, although it has been accused of occassional attacks on Indonesian military and civillians. Xanana Gusmao has said that Falintil should consider themselves able to protect themselves but that otherwise they should observe a ceasefire. It appears that these orders are being followed.
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As Indonesia is responsible for security UNAMET predominantly consists of electoral, political and information officers. (241) Their work is supported by 420 UN volunteers and a few thousand locally recruited staff. The agreement also allows for the presence of nearly 280 civillian police and 50 military liason officers from around the world. Their role is not to provide security but to advise the local police and military on security. There will also be a number of humanitarian groups providing observors.
The UN presence began to arrive in East Timor on June 10th. The ballot itself was to be held on August 8th. The UN presence did appear to calm the situation in East Timor which had been deteriorating, but unrest continued and Kofi Annan delayed the ballot to 21st or 22nd August. The main problem being that the Indonesian military were failing to provide the necessary security.
Two UN offices were attacked by militia, Maliana on 29th June and Viqueque on 30th June. This led to temporary closures and withdrawal of staff. On July 4th, a humanitarian convoy with UNAMET escort was attacked as it returned from delivering food aid to refugees in Liquica. Local police had refused to accompany the convoy as they said that as most refugees were pro-independence to help them would indicate a pro-independence bias. The UN reacted with anger to these attacks and intense pressure was put on the Indonesian government to bring the military, who if not actively aiding the attacks was standing by and watching them happen, into line.
Almost half the Indonesian cabinet visited East Timor in the week prior to July 16th and an attack on a UN office was halted by police. There does, though, appear to be considerable anti-UNAMET feeling amongst not only the military but some government officials. Militia leaders have claimed that UNAMET is biased and bringing violence on itself because of this. This view is supported by Indonesia's foreign minister, Ali Alatas. In a letter to the UN Secretary-General, he insisted that the attacks on the UN were partially the responsiblity of pro-independence groups and UNAMET itself which had failed to follow procedures and which, he implied, was biased towards pro-indepence groups. Just prior to the cabinet visit, militia leaders and representatives of senior government and military officials met in a house in Dili. US and Australian intelligence believe that the militias have support from inside General Wiranto's own HQ.
Despite the violence, registration went ahead on July 16th after a three day delay. Four offices near Suai were closed on the first day because of an attack the day before. Kofi Annan further delayed the ballot to August 30th.
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Since the early 1990's more and more governments were pressing for action but Indonesia's most influential western allies were not among them. Suharto's fall, President Habibie's commitment to human rights and Indonesia's failing economy have all contributed to a seachange in international opinion.
International pressure probaly led to Habibie's change in policy on East Timor and since Indonesia signed the May 5th agreement, the International community has felt able to call for their compliance and to do so in tougher and tougher terms. The US has hinted that unless the Indonesian's fulfill their part in the agreement and provide security that relations between the two countries may be severely damaged.
The most dramatic change has been in the position of Australia which is fully behind the UN process and even has 2,500 troops on standby in case a peace-keeping force is called for. The UK is maintaining a more moderate position, it supports the process but has been very reluctant to call for peace-keeping troops.
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